Statements in Meeting with Members of the Assembly of Representatives of Students and Scholars of Qom Seminary

Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, on Tuesday morning (25th of Esfand, 1394) in a meeting with members of the Assembly of Representatives of Students and Scholars of Qom Seminary, elucidated the unique and influential role of the Qom Seminary in the victory of the Islamic Revolution and referred to some efforts aimed at removing revolutionary spirit from the seminaries, emphasizing that the Qom Seminary must remain a "revolutionary seminary and the cradle of the revolution," and achieving this goal requires thought, planning, and precise organization.

Two Perspectives on Seminary Issues:

1) A view on the general issues of the seminary The discussion I want to raise now is about the seminary. Naturally, our issue is the seminary; now we are discussing the Qom Seminary, but this can be generalized. The criteria that exist in rulings regarding Qom issues also apply to other major seminaries like Mashhad, Isfahan, and elsewhere. There are two perspectives from which we can discuss the issues of Qom, and I want to speak from one of these perspectives.

The first perspective is looking at the general issues of the Qom Seminary; issues of knowledge, scientific training, research, ethics, management issues, organizational matters in the Qom Seminary - which, thanks be to God, has had an organization for years, management, heads, and subordinates; ultimately, there is a collective for management - the discussion of textbooks, the manner of studying; this is one discussion, and one view is from this perspective, which I do not want to discuss now. I have spoken a lot about these matters previously in public meetings in Qom and elsewhere; after this, God willing, I will address these important issues on appropriate occasions. For now, my focus in this current session is not on this perspective.

2) A view on the status of revolutionary thought growth and maturity in the seminary The second perspective is the revolutionary status and the growth and maturity of revolutionary thought in the Qom Seminary; today, this is my focus, and we want to briefly discuss this matter. We want to think and work a bit on the continuity of the revolutionary spirit and revolutionary character in the Qom Seminary and other seminaries; this is of great importance. If we want to compare it with the previous topic, this topic, if not more important, holds equal weight and significance. You see, we have gone through a tremendous revolution in our recent history. The event of the revolution was a significant, extraordinary, and astonishing event. We have now become accustomed to it, but those who look from the outside and judge the event of the revolution understand the greatness of this movement, this event, this phenomenon more than we do. Because we were in the flow, we do not pay much attention, and we do not give much importance to evaluating and appraising this event.

The impact of the two entities "seminary" and "university" in the political struggles of the country In the political struggles in the country - both those that led to the revolution and other struggles - the general public had some involvement, but two entities had a clear, impactful, and visible presence: one is the seminaries and the scholars - the Shia scholars - and the other is the universities; these two movements have been present in the continuation of struggles and political activism in the country, both today and in the past - in the case of the Constitutional Revolution, the national movement, and events close to our time in other places - but there is a fundamental difference between the seminary and the university in this regard that must be taken into account.

The university, the starting point of political struggles in countries The university is naturally a place where struggles usually take root, usually emerge; this is the case everywhere in the world; the reason is clear; because in the university, there is a group of youth who are familiar with contemporary issues, it is naturally an intellectual environment, an environment aware of global issues and current affairs; thus, they protest and voice their objections. There have always been university struggles everywhere, and there were struggles in our country as well; this is not exclusive to this period of Islamic struggles; it existed before as well; I remember in 1960, when our struggles had not yet begun, I was in Tehran, students would gather in groups in these streets, chanting slogans, the police would attack, and they would flee; this was also present during the national movement, and student struggles existed.

The characteristic of student struggles; limited scope within the university due to lack of social extension However, student struggles have always, both in our country and elsewhere, remained limited within the university environment, or had some influence on certain public issues [but] never did student struggles turn into a revolution or a general movement and public transformation; this is their characteristic. When one observes public statements, it is said that the seminary and the university were the founders of these struggles; well, that is true; yes, university struggles create transformations within the university, generate events in cities, but the difference is that, firstly, not all students usually participate in struggles; there is a group [that engages in struggle]; that group also carries out activities, does things, but we have never seen, neither in our time, nor in our country, nor in other countries, that student struggles culminate in a change of regime and a general transformation and revolution; the limits of student activism are such; the reason is that students lack social influence and extension; the maximum impact a student can have is to create a thought within their family or to promote something, for instance, within the family or in limited environments. In our country, it was the same; yes, we appreciate the struggles of students, we highly value their support for the revolution, we give importance to it, but in evaluating and appraising the impact of these struggles, what I mentioned is correct; that is, if these struggles were removed from the struggles of the clergy and if there were no clergy struggles, like all other student struggles, they would have remained limited within the university - either Tehran University or a few universities across the country - they would have made an attack, carried out a movement, there would have been a struggle, an opposition, and it would have ended; however, the seminary was not like that.

Two characteristics of seminary struggles:

1) The widespread nature of the struggle in the seminary Firstly, the struggles of the seminary were almost universal; that is, in the seminary - we do not want to say it was exactly like this - almost all students or most students became involved in the struggle. When the clergy's struggles entered the Qom Seminary, almost everyone became involved; this is one characteristic.

2) The impact of the seminary on society using two factors:

A) The factor of "Marja'iyyah" (Religious Authority) The second characteristic was the impact of the Qom Seminary. The Qom Seminary consists of a collective that can influence society. One part of this collective is the Marja' (religious authority); a Marja' like Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified) or in the early days of the struggle when two or three Marjas issued statements; later, of course, Imam alone carried the burden of it all. It was this Marja' who, as a religious duty, as a religious ruling, as a religious obligation, extended his words among the people; this is the Marja'iyyah aspect.

B) The factor of "Students" However, alongside this, there was the student body; if there were no students, this movement would not have spread in this way. Students from various places, from different cities and regions of the country gather, then during holidays or non-holidays, they disperse and go to preaching sessions, speaking sessions, weekly meetings, religious gatherings, and they disseminate this thought among the people; this is very important. When a student, for instance, goes to a village or a small or large city and establishes the thought to preach and explain and reflect and convey it to the audience, the difference between this and a student is vast; a student cannot do this, but a seminarian can. The factor that was able to disseminate the message of the Marjas in the early days - those first few months - and then the message of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified), who was the only one doing this and leading - both in Qom and in Najaf - was the student body; it was the students who did this, it was the students who conveyed this thought throughout the country.

Once, in the first year of the revolution - a few months after the victory of the revolution - when the anniversary of the late Mr. Mustafa, the esteemed son of our dear Imam, was held, a memorial was organized in Qom, and I was asked to go there and speak; I went there, and Imam was also present inside the Grand Mosque. I spoke there and mentioned this noble verse: وَ اَوحی‌ رَبُّکَ اِلَی النَّحلِ اَنِ اتَّخِذی مِنَ الجِبالِ بُیوتًا وَ مِنَ الشَّجَرِ وَ مِمّا یَعرِشونَ * ثُمَّ کُلی مِن کُلِ‌ الثَّمَرت فَاسلُکی سُبُلَ رَبِّکَ; addressing Imam, I said these honeybees were the students who gathered this nectar - your words - then spread out across the country and in various places and poured this nectar into the mouths of the people; where necessary, they also stung; they stung too! The students did this, the Qom Seminary did this. If there were no Qom Seminary, if Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified) had started this movement in a place like Tehran or somewhere without a seminary, it is uncertain whether he would have achieved this success; this movement was in Qom that was able to achieve this success and turn into a revolution.

Imam (may God be pleased with him) once said - I do not know if I heard it myself or from someone else who said - when we were in Paris, they came and said that in a certain village, one of the villages of Khomain, one of the villages around Khomain, the people held a rally. It was a public rally, and in that village, the people also rallied; the village cleric, an old man, was moving in front of the crowd, and the people were chanting the same slogans they were chanting in Tehran; Imam said that when I heard this, I said this revolution will succeed. This revolution has such penetration that it reaches even a village that Imam recognized, and the people there also move; it is destined to succeed; that is, the entire nation, all segments of the people came to the field, and this was what enabled the long-standing regime backed by the world's top powers to be defeated and brought to its knees and removed from the field. We did not use any guns or cannons here; the Iranian revolution did not advance with guns and cannons and coups and military force; it only advanced with the presence of the people; the presence of the bodies of the people, the physical presence of the people. Hearts are good, hearts are effective, but when hearts beat in homes and do not come out, they leave no effect; when this heart's influence became such that it moved the body and brought it to the streets, then it becomes those rallies, it becomes that great movement; and the monarchy regime, with its history, with the support it received from America and others - it was not just America; at that time, communist countries also supported the Shah's regime out of rivalry - was defeated by the people.

Who brought the people to the streets? You brought them, the students brought them. Yes, Imam was the leader; if it were not for Imam, this event would not have happened at all; but what was Imam's tool? The means that realized Imam's thought, Imam's desire, Imam's intention was the seminary, the students; the connection of the revolution with the Qom Seminary is this. Yes, it is true, we say all segments of the people participated in the revolution, and the reality of the matter is the same, or regarding those leading groups, for instance, we say "students, seminarians" and we mention the name of students, that is correct; these were indeed leading, there is no doubt about it, but being leading and entering required a connecting link, a necessary intermediary; this intermediary was the Qom seminary and, of course, other seminaries; it was not only the Qom seminary. You should pay attention that this great revolution, this astonishing phenomenon, this event that shook the world - it truly shook the world - ultimately leads to this connecting link, that is, to the Qom seminary. The relationship of the Qom seminary with the revolution is this.

Remaining revolutionary of the seminaries, a factor for the revolutionary persistence of the system Well, now if they want to detach the Qom seminary from the revolution, is this a small matter? There are motivations for this work; my point is this. I say that if we want the Islamic system - this very system that currently has an organization, has three branches, has armed forces, has various agencies and organizations - to remain revolutionary, to remain Islamic, the Qom seminary must remain revolutionary; if the Qom seminary does not remain revolutionary, if the seminaries do not remain revolutionary, the system will be in danger of deviating from the revolution. I want to tell you: the Qom seminary is a support. My point is that the Qom seminary must be present and manifest as a revolutionary seminary, as the cradle of the revolution, as that volcanic furnace that continuously emits revolutionary energy.

The necessity of developing revolutionary insight and movement in Qom seminary to prevent revolution-deracination Well, we have stated that the nature of Qom, the nature of the students, the seminary, the nature of religion is, the nature of propagation is, the nature of contentment is, the nature of the presence of Marja'iyyah is very important; all these are characteristics of the seminary and this strengthens the foundation of the revolution here. If we see that efforts are being made to deracinate the revolution from the Qom seminary, we must feel a sense of danger. My message to you, dear representatives of the students and scholars, is this: if you see that there are efforts to deracinate the revolution, you must feel a sense of danger. Well, feeling a sense of danger is not enough; we must think of a remedy; remedy requires planning, thought; this shows the importance of your gathering. Thoughtful individuals must sit down and think; with superficial actions, with shouting that occasionally one might yell in a session and protest against someone, these things do not resolve the issue. The way is not these; the way is to think and contemplate and plan wisely, to prepare organized plans and follow them; therefore, revolutionary insight in Qom must be developed, revolutionary movement must be expanded.

Explicit and implicit opposition of enemies to the revolution Well, opposition to the revolution is also of two kinds: sometimes, some explicitly oppose the revolution - which exists in the seminary, not that it does not exist; now there are some who explicitly oppose here and there; of course, they are few - sometimes, it is not that there is explicit opposition to the revolution, but rather opposition to the foundations and principles of the revolution; we must be sensitive to these. The reason you see that I repeatedly emphasize the issue of global arrogance, emphasize the issue of America, is not because of habit, that one wants to repeat something constantly; no, these are feelings of danger. If the Islamic system loses its identity in the face of the corrupt global order, it will fail; the importance of the Islamic system - which we say this revolution shook the world - is because of this; it brought something new.

The reason for the opposition of the arrogant powers is the Islamic system's confrontation with force and deception Well, this new thing challenged the oppressive, unjust, and based on oppression and force and deception global system; the Islamic Republic challenged the oppressive global system; the reason for the opposition to us is this. [The reason] that there is opposition to the Islamic system is this; وَالّا if there were a non-political Islam, an Islam that does not interfere with the affairs of others, if such an Islam were to prevail, they would not give it any importance and would not oppose it. You can align with America, with the arrogant powers, with Zionism in their economic affairs, in their political affairs, in their orientations, and think like them, speak like them, act like them, they would have no opposition; whether your name is Christian, whether your name is Buddhist, whether your name is Muslim, it does not matter to them. (Yes, death to America, but let us speak now.) Therefore, the issue is this.

Look at Imam's statements; Imam was a very profound man, a very insightful man; it is well-known: What the young sees in the mirror The old sees in the raw brick.

This was truly true about Imam. The analysis that now must be presented before a person, to observe, to read, to pay attention, to reach a deep conclusion, Imam understood this just by looking; a mature man, an aware man. You look and see what things this wise, mature, aware man emphasized; these are the foundations of the issue, these are the essential matters. These should not be able to change; one form of opposition to the system and opposition to the revolution is opposition to these things. If there is opposition to these foundations in our actions, in our words, in our orientations and promotional approaches, it is opposition to the revolution and opposition to the Islamic system and opposition to the political Islam that has been realized.

The Islamic system, the first government based on religion after the era of the early Islam After the era of early Islam, it is the first time that pure, correct Islam based on the Quran and Hadith is being realized in the world; even in periods when, for instance, scholars were respected, it was not like this. Let us assume during the Safavid period; well, scholars were respected; Muhaqqiq Karaki would come from Sham to Isfahan or Qazvin or wherever and become the Sheikh al-Islam of the entire country; the father of Sheikh Baha'i, Sheikh Baha'i himself, these are all great scholars, very respected, but the maximum they could do was to take over the judiciary, but only to the extent that it did not conflict with some of the excesses of the ruling government; otherwise, Shah Abbas and Shah Tahmasb and other monarchs did what they wanted, it was not an Islamic government, it was not a religious government. That the source and basis of governmental rulings should be the book and the tradition, the narrations of the Imams, from the time of early Islam - that is, the amount that was early Islam, after that - has not had a precedent until today. Today in Iran, for the first time, such a government is being established. The meaning of political Islam is this; political Islam means that Islam takes over the management of society and the governance of society; that is, Islam becomes the manager of society. This is the first time that this has happened here; they want to eliminate this; they want to destroy this; destroying it is also in the way I mentioned. Therefore, the issue of revolutionary spirit in the Qom seminary is at risk; you must pay attention to this; it must be among your main issues.

... I see the future bright in all areas; sometimes, some see something or a phenomenon that is, for instance, an undesirable phenomenon, and their hearts become hopeless; I am not like that at all. Any phenomenon may have undesirable aspects; it exists, it is everywhere, it has been in the past; during the time of the Prophet and Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon them) it was also there, there is no doubt about that; but the overall direction, the overall movement, God willing, is a good movement, and I hope that God Almighty helps us so that both you and we can, God willing, fulfill our duties.