Statements in Meeting with System Officials during the Blessed Month of Ramadan

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Thanks be to God, the Lord of the worlds, and peace and blessings be upon our master and prophet, Abu al-Qasim al-Mustafa Muhammad, and upon his pure and chosen progeny, especially the Awaited One among the earth's inhabitants.

Welcome, dear brothers and sisters! We also thank the esteemed President for his remarks, which were detailed and commendable. One of the blessings of this Ramadan meeting is the opportunity to benefit from the spiritual atmosphere of the month of Ramadan. It is true that this session is an exceptional one; various officials, prominent figures of the system, and individuals from different factions and viewpoints are present here, creating an opportunity for dialogue, discussion, renewal of acquaintance, and exchange of affection—these are the blessings of this session. However, more importantly, is the point that has been mentioned; that is, being in the spiritual atmosphere of this blessed month. In the passages of the supplication prescribed for the days of Ramadan, we read: "And this is the month of fasting, and this is the month of standing in prayer, and this is the month of repentance—'And turn to your Lord'—and this is the month of forgiveness and mercy. This month and this atmosphere have these characteristics.

What is our repentance from? Well, we are full of sins; however, sins are of two types: one type harms only the individual, while another type harms others as well. Something that this tooth of a person tears and chews may sometimes be something hard, breaking the tooth without harming anyone else; but sometimes a person eats something with this tooth that causes the liver to malfunction; the liver is not at fault, the fault lies with this tooth, with this mouth. Our sins are sometimes like this. We perform an action, say a word, or take a path that harms society, harms the country; these kinds of sins are significant, they are great sins. It has been said: 'And beware of a trial that will not strike those who have wronged among you specifically.' Sometimes someone commits an injustice, and the punishment that God has decreed for that injustice is widespread and affects society; we must avoid such injustices, such trials. This address is directed at us officials; the general public is not the audience for this address; we officials can both do something that harms society and can act in the opposite way, doing something that benefits society.

The late Allameh Tabatabai (may God be pleased with him) has a commentary on this noble verse from Surah An-Nisa, which states: 'Whatever good befalls you is from God, and whatever evil befalls you is from yourself.' He states that human societies, the society of a country, have a specific identity, an independent identity, a unified identity that is different from the identity of individuals; that is, the society of a country, viewed from one perspective, is like a single human being; just as in a single human being, one organ may perform an action that involves the rest of the organs, the same is true in society, one member may act in a way that involves everyone. Events occur in society, and some individuals are innocent in that event; so how can it be said that 'Whatever evil befalls you is from yourself'? He says no, this is correct, here too 'from yourself' refers to a vast entity called society, of which a part has sinned. Well, if we are to avoid such sins, we must be very vigilant; it requires vigilance, attention; this atmosphere of Ramadan should teach us this, we must instill this in ourselves, and truly feel a sense of responsibility, wherever we are.

In this supplication [for the days of] Ramadan, many things have been asked from God; it is a very good supplication. If God willing, you have the opportunity, read this supplication and pay attention, it is an extraordinary request, just as the requests that come to mind do not even occur to us, in this supplication, the Imam has taught us—according to what is narrated in this hadith from the Imam (peace be upon him)—what to ask from God; among the things we have asked for is deliverance from a few things that I will now mention: deliverance from lack of motivation and the disease of lack of motivation, deliverance from the absence of enthusiasm for work—see, these are things that do not even occur to us that they are diseases, they are ailments, we must ask God for deliverance from these ailments and healing from these ailments—deliverance from heedlessness, deliverance from hard-heartedness; when a person's heart becomes hard, both against the remembrance of God and against sincere advice; when someone advises a person and wishes them well, the person's heart becomes hard. The phrases are: 'And remove from me in it drowsiness, laziness, fatigue, lack of motivation, hard-heartedness, heedlessness, and self-deception'; we must be delivered from these; we have asked God for these.

Well, what are the effects of these sins—now these are a number of sins, there are greater sins as well—on a person? One of the effects is that when a person is afflicted with sin, they falter at a critical and decisive moment. The Quran states: 'Indeed, those who turned back among you on the day the two armies met, it was only Satan who caused them to slip by some of what they had earned.' In the Battle of Uhud, those who could not endure and whose hearts raced at the prospect of spoils, forgetting the critical responsibility they had, turned a victorious battle into a defeated one; 'Satan caused them to slip by some of what they had earned.' These individuals had previously committed mistakes, those mistakes manifested themselves here. This is one stage; that is, our sin causes us to falter at a critical moment, at a decisive point, we cannot endure. Well, we are responsible for the country; from this humble servant to the government officials, judicial officials, legislative officials, and the entire hierarchy of responsibilities, we are all responsible; if we do something that results in 'Satan caused them to slip' and we falter when we must endure and withstand, a great danger threatens us. This is one stage.

A higher and worse stage than this is that sometimes we commit a mistake, that mistake causes us to fall into hypocrisy; that is, our hearts become discordant with our tongues. The noble verse states: 'So He caused hypocrisy to enter their hearts until the Day they will meet Him because they broke their promise to God.' If a person does not remain faithful to a divine covenant in one place and does not fulfill the commitment they made before God, this causes 'He caused hypocrisy to enter their hearts'; of course, there is a completely logical mechanism for this, which I do not have time to explain how a sin in a person leads to hypocrisy.

Above this, sometimes our sin and our mistake and our deviation cause us to—God forbid—fall into denial of what God has revealed; 'Then the end of those who did evil was that they denied the signs of God.' The remedy is vigilance; we must be vigilant; we must supervise ourselves, increase our motivation, intensify our work, work hard, avoid pitfalls, in short, in one sentence, piety; piety. Piety—which is recognized in Ramadan as the philosophy and goal of fasting—means being vigilant over oneself; we must always be vigilant over ourselves. Of course, the address of these words is primarily directed at myself; we are all responsible; so let us appreciate the month of Ramadan.

Dear brothers and sisters! Let us appreciate this Ramadan month that we are currently in. Thousands of Ramadan months have come and gone throughout history; thousands of Ramadan months will come that you and I will not be present in; now among these billions of Ramadan months in history, we are present in a few months or a few decades, we have been granted the opportunity to be present in twenty, thirty, fifty, sixty Ramadan months from the time of obligation until the end of our lives among this collection of Ramadan months in history; well, let us appreciate these. Last year in this Ramadan, there were friends of ours and close ones who are not here this year. We do not know which of us will be here next year, which of us will not; let us appreciate this Ramadan. It is the month of forgiveness, the month of repentance, the month of remembrance, the month of turning to God, the month of worship, the month of weeping, the month of attachment to spirituality, as it is said: 'Many a Tir and Dey and Ordibehesht may come when we are dust and brick.'

Regarding the issues of the country, I want to express this: we are in a sensitive situation; the current situation of the country is significant. Well, the President has outlined the actions; these actions must be pursued, followed up, continued, and those areas that are incomplete must be completed; all these actions are necessary; other institutions of the country must also carry out necessary actions. The country's situation is currently in a specific condition; not just in this month or this year particularly, but in this particular time period and at this particular juncture. Why? Because, on the one hand, the eyes have been opened to the endless capacities of the country. In the early days of the revolution, we were unaware of many of the country's capacities, we were uninformed, we had no experience, we had no awareness. Today, our parliamentary representatives, our ministers, our officials, the intellectual figures of the country, the politicians of the country have gained a new awareness of the vast scope that our country has in terms of resources and capacities; the reality is this. When I read the articles that some experts write, I see that attention to these realities is abundant, thanks be to God. This is one side, that there is this immense capacity; it is a great country, an extraordinary country. A few years ago, I said here, we have approximately one percent of the world's population, and our country has approximately one percent of the world's area, but the resources that God has provided for us are far more than one percent; I said at that time three percent, four percent; recently I was given a report that it is about six or seven percent; that is, we have six or seven times the average capacity of the world in terms of population, human resources, and natural resources. Well, this is one side of the matter.

On the other hand, we have an enemy; we are not a country without concerns, without an enemy lurking; we have an enemy. Of course, enmity among countries, between governments, among powers is not new, but in the case of the Islamic Republic, it is something special; it is a special enmity. Why? What is the reason? The reason is that the Islamic Republic is a phenomenon that has no precedent in the world; this is something that global powers are watching closely. You may have read or heard that, for example, a few years ago, in a certain enemy country, a research institute was established specifically to study Islam and political Islam, this is because they want to see what this phenomenon is. A system has emerged based on Islam, based on Islamic principles that opposes global arrogance, opposes despotism, opposes oppression, opposes discrimination, opposes usury, opposes the actions that powers are taking in the world today. A system has emerged with these ideological and practical foundations, and this system is growing day by day, and whatever they have done, they have not been able to stop it; it has taken root day by day and its influence has increased. Now they themselves are shouting that Iran is the absolute actor in the region, and Iran's influence cannot be compared to that of any other country in the region; this is what the Americans say, not that I am boasting. Well, such a system exists; this means that today a new power is emerging and coming into existence at the global level that challenges the oppressive interests of the arrogant powers. The enmity with the Islamic Republic is because of this; this enmity is not with any other country. Yes, we have said that governments have disagreements with each other—territorial disputes, border disputes, interests, trade—and they are hostile to each other, but this kind of enmity is specific to the Islamic Republic. Well, then, on one hand, we have recognized, understood, and accounted for these capacities, and on the other hand, we have a fierce and obstinate enemy in front of us.

The work that this enemy wants to do must be recognized so that we can understand our fundamental and overall program; these government programs and executive policies all fall within the framework of those main programs and gain meaning; pay attention to this. These works must be done, but they must be seen within the framework of that overall perspective and macro view so that they can achieve their benefit. We must know what the enemy wants to do, what their plan is against us, and based on this, we must prepare our own plans for ensuring security and protection against the enemy.

Now, if I want to summarize in a short sentence, the enemy's plan is to stop the capabilities of the Islamic Republic; either to destroy them or at least to prevent their growth; this is the enemy's plan. What should we do? We must increase our capabilities as much as we can. I have repeatedly emphasized in this session and in various other sessions over the past few years: the country must become powerful; that is, these various capabilities must be increased. If we increase them, then we can comfortably tell the people, 'People! Sleep peacefully' and be at ease ourselves. If we do not increase our capabilities, we must live in anxiety.

Now, what are these capabilities that we have? I have noted a few of the capabilities that are more targeted by the enemy here:

First, Islamic faith; Islamic faith. Some may be surprised and say, 'Sir, today is the world of freedom of thought and belief and so on!' No, more than anything else, they are hostile to that pure Islam that Imam (may God be pleased with him) described and which is the foundation of the Islamic government and the Islamic Republic. Look at the activities that are taking place today in the world to break the dam of this faith everywhere, especially in the Islamic Republic and among the people. If you are familiar with social networks and the virtual space, you understand well where I am pointing; they are using all means to undermine our Islamic faith. Who do we mean by 'we'? Do we mean the elderly seventy or eighty-year-old? No, they are not very concerned about us; they want to undermine the faith of our next generation and the generation after that; efforts are being made. Well, one of the grounds of our power and our capabilities is our Islamic faith; this is one of the targets of their enmity.

Second, scientific capability; they have even resorted to the assassination of our scientists, they have planned; they have even used some of the wicked tools that are banned worldwide to stop our scientific progress. This Stuxnet that was sent into the cyber structure of the Islamic Republic a few years ago could have destroyed all our [nuclear] structures; this is a crime; it is a recognized international crime, and we could have held the perpetrators of this crime accountable in international courts; unfortunately, we did not. Up to this point, they have taken these actions. They are vehemently opposed to scientific progress. Well, pressure on the nuclear sector, in my opinion, is one of the main factors for this; that they keep saying nuclear bomb and nuclear weapon, they themselves know that they are lying, and I will say a few words about the nuclear issue later.

Defensive deterrent capability; they are also vehemently opposed to this. The country must be like a castle whose walls have been broken down, so that they can do whatever they want. If our systems have defensive capabilities, if they have offensive capabilities, it is as if a fence has been built around this castle—this is what they oppose. The discussions that are made regarding missiles and such things mean: opposition to defensive capabilities.

National political capability; that is, unity and cohesion of the nation. I have repeatedly stated, political differences of opinion are not a problem, love and hatred towards Zayd and Amr are not a problem; what is problematic is that within the people, differences arise in the fundamental principles of the country's essential and macro movement; this is problematic, and political and social actors should not allow this to happen. Today, fortunately, this unity exists; it has existed since the beginning of the revolution. Not that the revolution or the twenty-second of Bahman has no enemies, has no opponents; yes, it has opponents; however, the majority of the nation and the vast majority of the nation are interested in the revolution and its manifestations and symbols and the legacies of the revolution, they are interested in the name of the Imam and the memory of the Imam; this is a very great blessing; this is the political capability of a nation.

Capability arising from youth; this is what is often overlooked. For several years, I have been warning about the issue of population control and such matters; fortunately, some good actions have been taken, some officials have done good work, but no, the work that needs to be done completely has not yet been done. Today, our young population is a phenomenon, a blessing; because youth is the source of movement and a bubbling spring of motivation, movement, vitality, and innovation; youth makes work youthful; if this [youthful population] is lost in twenty years—because this youth cannot be imported—the country will suffer; we must not allow this from today. The statements that sometimes circulate—that of course I have not researched much and do not have accurate information—that some of the wrong methods of the past are still continuing, and abortion or similar things are being done in some places, if these are true, these specific government officials are responsible for this and must follow it up. The issue of youthful population is a very great and important capability.

So, the enemy exists, these capabilities are also present today, and these capabilities are targets of enemy attacks. What is the result? The result is what we have always said: we must recognize the enemy, understand their methods of operation, identify the points from which they will attack, and block them. Just like in military warfare; in military warfare, specialized reconnaissance personnel go to the scene to identify it, identify the enemy, guess or understand that the enemy intends to attack from here, and they block that place. The importance of this war that exists today in the fields of political and economic issues is greater than military warfare; its scope is also wider; therefore, we must identify the enemy's points of infiltration; this is the duty of everyone.

Well, what we must now express is who the enemy is? We said we have an enemy; who is the enemy? The enemy has completely laid itself bare before our eyes; we do not need to search for the enemy; the enemy is the network of global arrogance and the Zionist network; this is the enemy. The network of global arrogance is headed by the regime of the United States of America, and the Zionist network is represented by the illegitimate Zionist regime ruling over occupied Palestine; this is the enemy. They do not hide it. America does not hide its enmity. Now, the President of the United States may set a Haft-Seen table on Nowruz, for example, but they also shoot down a passenger plane; in the U.S. Congress, they approve everything that can be used against the Islamic Republic, and the President of the United States signs and implements it. The position of words and courtesy and diplomatic smiles is another matter, different from the position of action, even different from the position of political statements. You can now observe the words that the President of the United States, the Secretary of State of the United States, and the security officials of the United States, and the Minister of War of the United States say about Iran; these are not the words of a friend, they are the words of an enemy; and an obstinate enemy. The Zionists also have their own clear account. This is the enemy. Our esteemed Foreign Minister made a good statement in the Majlis a few days ago—which I read in the newspapers—that he said the essence of America has not changed; he is right, the essence of America is the same as during the Reagan era; it is the same essence and has not changed; it is the essence of enmity. Yes, there are parties—the Democratic Party, the Republican Party; they pass the ball to each other, and he passes it back to them—but the essence of America is the same. This is a very correct statement that he made in the Islamic Consultative Assembly.

Well, there is a misconception here, and that is that 'we can get along with America; we can get along with America and solve problems'! Well, this misconception is not correct. We cannot rely on illusions; we must rely on realities. First of all, as we said, logically, a system like the Islamic Republic of Iran will never be treated with affection and kindness by a system like America; it is impossible. Secondly, their behaviors; for fifty years, sixty years, since the twenty-eighth of Mordad, after that during the reign of the tyrant, and after the revolution until today, look at how America has behaved towards us. During the tyrant's regime, America viewed the Pahlavi regime as a wealth, while at the same time, the blows that America inflicted on Iran during that period were effective and impactful blows that those who are familiar with history and the life of that era fully understand and acknowledge; after the revolution, it is clear; from the very first day, they began their wickedness and enmity, and it has continued to this day; thus, this is not a matter of misunderstanding. Sometimes there is a misunderstanding between two governments, well, it can be resolved through negotiation; sometimes there is a disagreement over a territorial area, for example, suppose this part of the border belongs to me, this part belongs to you, well, they can resolve this through negotiation, splitting it fifty-fifty; here the issue is not fifty-fifty; the issue is the very existence of the Islamic Republic, and it cannot be resolved through negotiation, it cannot be resolved through relations; this misconception is not correct. What has brought about power, independence, and progress stemming from Islam and in accordance with Islam as a phenomenon in the world is unacceptable to global arrogance—the embodiment of arrogance is America—this is a misconception that we think we can now sit down with the Americans and say, 'Come, let us reconcile somehow.' Reconciliation means you give up your own words.

A few years ago, at the beginning of the nuclear negotiations, I said that the Americans should tell us from now on how far the Islamic Republic must retreat for them to stop their enmity; let them say this. If the nuclear issue is resolved, is the matter over? Well, now that the nuclear issue has been resolved, see if the matter is over? The missile issue has arisen; if the missile issue is resolved, the issue of human rights arises; if the human rights issue is resolved, the issue of the Guardian Council arises; if the issue of the Guardian Council is resolved, the issue of the leadership and the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist arises; if the issue of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist is resolved, the issue of the Constitution and the rule of Islam arises; these are the issues, the dispute is not over trivial matters. Therefore, this misconception is a false one.

I have spoken a lot with people, and there have been individuals among friends who, out of belief and affection, thought that this could be done; over the years, we have sat and talked, but later they themselves admitted—not to me, but in absentia and in official decision-making sessions—that the reasoning that so-and-so provides has no answer; they are right; the reasoning I provide in this regard has no answer. This is the case for us, and the Americans are not inclined to reconciliation with many other countries either. Keep this in mind and know; the fundamental policy of America is to digest powers and policies of the world in the belly of American policies; this is not specific to us. Now, we have a particularity in terms of enmity that there is a specific enmity with us, but even towards other countries, it is the same. In political terms, it is like this; in economic terms, it is like this; in cultural terms, it is like this. [Now] European film-making companies are raising their voices about Hollywood's dominance; cultural hegemony. France is no longer the Islamic Republic. This is American policy. This statement has been made many times, they keep saying it, and now the candidates for the presidency of the United States, these two individuals, are competing to say that America is the lord of the world, the master of the world, the one who does everything in the world. Before these, Bush the elder, when the Soviet Union had collapsed, boasted on that pride and said we are today the unique power of the world, they must align themselves with us, we must determine the global order; see, this is the policy. Well, this is the enemy, how can we get along with this?

Let me also mention that some think that the enmities directed at us are because we have been confrontational; we have constantly poked our finger in their eye, and therefore they are hostile to us because of this; no, this is also a false notion, a misconception. We have not been the initiators. At the beginning of the revolution, the Americans who were captured were held for a few days, and Imam said they should be sent back to their embassy with full care; before the issue of the embassy takeover arose—which also had factors and preliminaries—[the Americans] lived here in complete security; they went and came easily; and of course, they acted wickedly. We did not start; they started; they started from the very beginning: with slander, with sanctions, with demands, with providing refuge to the enemy of the Iranian nation; they were the initiators. Moreover, it is not just America; there are other countries as well; now, for example, what confrontation has the Islamic Republic had with France? The country of France, since Imam was there for a while, was even praised by revolutionary forces, but look at what they do. You saw in the nuclear issue that the French played the role of the bad cop—of course, the management of the program was with the Americans, it was clear—but in the nuclear issue, the French took the worst position; what have we done to the French? Have we confronted them? Now a small country like the Netherlands, for example; in every issue that you look at where the Islamic Republic is involved, it is on that list of enemies, one of them is the Netherlands! Now, what have we done with the Netherlands? What confrontation? A small country that is located in a corner of Europe. The issue is not that we have confronted them and been confrontational. For example, suppose Canada cut its relations with us. Have we confronted Canada? Have we been confrontational? The issue is not this; the issue is something else. We should not deceive ourselves and say, 'Sir, if we do not confront, they will not confront'; no, there are other motivations; there are other matters behind the scenes that we have now explained a bit.

Well, now what should we do? The country must gain security; the officials of the country must ensure the security of the country. All the actions that the government has taken or intends to take in the fields of economy and so on require that the country has security; what should we do to create this security, or if it exists, to increase it? We must increase the capabilities that I have mentioned; these capabilities must be increased day by day. This is what has come in the Holy Quran: 'And prepare for them whatever strength you can muster and of steeds of war.' Strength encompasses all of these; strength is not just guns and weapons; strength includes material and spiritual strength, economic and military strength, scientific and moral strength. 'Prepare for them whatever strength you can muster'; increase the strength as much as you can. Well, this is what must be done; of course, this is also our responsibility; that is, the one who must do this work is us officials; the people will follow us and work. Therefore, we must increase our capabilities. Increasing [includes] these: strengthening Islamic faith; this is the duty of the government, the duty of the religious seminaries, the duty of the propaganda apparatus, the duty of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, the duty of the Islamic Propagation Organization; it is their duty. They must strengthen Islamic faith. Wherever there is a connection with the youth, whether in universities or education, strengthening Islamic faith is a great duty that is directed at all of these, and they must carry it out.

Scientific capability; this is the duty of the Ministry of Science and the research institutions. They should try to separate themselves from the margins; sometimes one observes some margins in some of these institutions. Now, the officials of these sectors are all present, let them hear: separate yourselves from the margins, focus on what is fundamental; that is, the institution that strengthens science. Economy—now I will say a few sentences about the economy, time is passing— and defense; all relevant defense institutions—the Ministry of Defense, the Army, the IRGC—must strive as much as they can in defense matters. The issue of youth that we mentioned; the issue of the young generation, employing young people, strengthening motivated youth. Now, I spoke a few sentences about the faithful and revolutionary youth at the Imam's shrine; they created a bit of a stir outside, claiming that I support revolutionary youth; this is not a revelation. First of all, it is not new, I have always done this, and I will continue to do so; secondly, it is not hidden, it is clear; I have repeatedly supported them; it is evident that I have affection for the religious and revolutionary youth who are present across the country; it is our duty. We cannot consider that youth who dedicates their youth, their ability, their motivation to the lofty goals of the country to be the same as that youth who pursues hedonism and elitism and such things. Yes, in terms of social rights, they are all equal, but in terms of values, they are by no means equal; that youth who works, strives, dedicates their time, their energy, and sometimes their meager money—of which we are aware—to goals, to striving, well, it is clear that they are not the same. I have always supported them, and I will continue to support them.

Well, now some reminders. I want to remind you of two points: one is the issue of the economy, which fortunately Mr. Dr. Rouhani has addressed well, and I will also make some reminders; the other is the issue of the JCPOA.

Regarding the economy, we have problems; the country is currently facing major economic issues that we hope will be resolved now with the government's programs and the actions that are to be taken, God willing. The main of these problems are recession and the issue of employment, that is, unemployment; these are the most important. We must address these; we must pay attention to these; that is, the issue of recession is very important. When I look at these issues—I said the same in the previous government—more than being related to sanctions, they are related to management and policies; both in this government, one can see this, in the previous government, and in the one before that. If our programs are good and correct, sanctions will not be without effect, but their effect will be very minimal; we must organize the programs, arrange them, and pay attention.

One of the specific important actions in the economic issues that can address both the recession and the employment issue to a large extent is focusing on small and medium-sized industries in the industrial sector. This industry that I heard, I read in the newspaper that the esteemed Minister of Industries also said in the Majlis that the state of industry is catastrophic—similar to this expression, I do not know what the exact expression was; similar to saying it is catastrophic—this catastrophe is more directed at small and medium-sized industries. Reviving small and medium-sized industries must be one of the fundamental programs of the government; in the resistant economy, this is one of the pillars. The fact that the capacities of factories are several times the output they are producing means they are operating far below capacity; this is one of the issues that must be addressed.

Another issue is priorities; in the decision-making we make regarding economic issues, we must consider priorities. Sometimes a task is very important, very necessary, but it is not a priority; that is, there is a more necessary task than that. This is very important in my opinion. Well, I have experience in government; I have been in government myself, and I have seen multiple governments. Our esteemed ministers each try to pull the fire towards their own bread; that is, this fire we have set to bake the bread, each loaf of bread belongs to one; this fire is pulled towards their own bread to bake it; of course, it is their duty; their duty is to support their own sector; we do not condemn this. The Minister of Agriculture does it one way, the Minister of Industries another way, the Minister of Roads another way, the Minister of Energy another way; each tries to pull the resources of the country and the budgets of the country towards themselves; well, here we must look and see which priority is which. Now, suppose our money is freed from foreign banks—which of course has not been freed, and it is not clear when it will be freed; I will address that matter—what is it intended to be spent on? This is very important. Priorities must be observed. Well, now let me give an example; of course, I have mentioned this example to the esteemed minister as well; suppose our air fleet is modernized; well, it is a very important and necessary task, but is it a priority? Is this the priority of the country? Suppose we buy three hundred airplanes; it is not clear that this is a priority. This must be examined; I do not give expert opinions, I remind you so that expert work can be done; I remind you that priorities must be observed. This is one of the very important issues.

A very important issue is focusing on knowledge-based companies; this will advance us. Knowledge-based companies are both science and economy. Focusing on knowledge-based companies is one of the most fundamental tasks; this is among the priorities and must be focused on. Of course, some knowledge-based companies come and complain and report to us. Officials should pay attention to this point.

One of the important tasks that is necessary is to prevent unnecessary contracts. I have been informed that after the nuclear issue, we have about 2.5 billion dollars of established contracts signed; now negotiations, agreements, and similar things are more than this, but what has been signed according to the report I have received is about 2.5 billion [dollars]; I looked, suppose it is regarding solar energy. Are these priorities?

If there are indeed resources—foreign resources or financing—we must see where the priority is, and these should be spent there; if someone wants to come and invest, we should say we need investment in this area. It should not be that whatever they want is done. This is also an issue.

Another very important issue is the serious prevention of harmful imports, which I have repeated several times recently; that is, those imports that either have domestic counterparts or, if they do not have domestic counterparts, are not among the current needs of the country or are not among the first-degree needs of the country. For example, suppose luxury cars or those fancy cars with such speed, what need is there? They say the private sector brings them; well, the government can prevent them with various methods—tariffs and non-tariffs. The resources of the country—various financings and funds that are freed—should not be wasted. The industries that have been shut down, the knowledge-based economy sector, the sector of converting our worn-out machines in our industries, these are among the priorities.

The agricultural sector that makes us self-sufficient, which fortunately the report given today shows that we have made progress in these areas. Of course, I did not have a report.

The oil sector; well, high oil production in the culture of oil and selling oil and the oil market is a positive thing. We should increase production and also increase oil exports; this is good, the country needs it; there is no doubt about it, but better than that is to add value to this oil. The oil that we extract from the well, we send it out, we take the money for it, it has no added value; day by day, oil decreases. If we can convert this oil or gas into a commodity that has added value for the country, this is good. Set this as a policy—parallel to the actions that are taken for oil production and oil sales and making the oil wells efficient—that we can produce products, export products, and export gasoline. Why should we import gasoline? One of the things that sometimes when one thinks about it, one feels ashamed is importing gasoline. The Islamic Republic, with all this oil—which we constantly boast about to the people and the world that we have the largest oil and gas reserves in the world, which is indeed the case—should import gasoline or diesel! We must do something so that we do not need to import diesel and gasoline; we must produce products, we must export products. Or in the gas sector, we must activate the downstream petrochemical industries; well, fortunately, the upstream parts are good, good work has been done, but we must activate the downstream parts; jobs must be created, work must be created.

Serious prevention of smuggling with revolutionary and jihadist methods. The issue of smuggling is a very important issue, and with joking and slow work and such things, nothing will be achieved; a decisive revolutionary jihadist action must be taken.

It is said that the resistant economy that you keep repeating needs resources, and we do not have resources. I believe that to start the movement of the resistant economy, resources can be secured. Fortunately, good works have now begun.

It has been said that the amounts of people's foreign and domestic deposits in the banks of the country are an astonishing figure; since I have not seen the original report and it has been conveyed to me, I will not mention the figure so that there is no mistake, but the figure is very high; well, we must guide these resources. One of the tasks related to the economic apparatus of the government is to guide resources towards the direction they want, towards the direction they consider beneficial for the country; with various incentives and so on. This is a very important thing. Of course, the Majlis must also help. Therefore, the fundamental works of the resistant economy are these that must be done; it has musts, it has must-nots; its musts must be paid attention to, its must-nots must also be paid attention to; the sum of these becomes the resistant economy, which we hope will progress, God willing.

Well, let us move past this since there is little time left until sunset; the issue of the JCPOA. The JCPOA has supporters and opponents; in my opinion, both supporters and opponents exaggerate in expressing their opinions; they exaggerate; both supporters who praise the JCPOA and opponents who criticize it exaggerate and sometimes overstate. In my opinion, neither side is justified.

Yes, the JCPOA has positive points, it has negative points; it has advantages, it has disadvantages; its advantages are the things that compelled and encouraged us to engage in these negotiations; of course, you know that these negotiations began before the start of the eleventh government because of these motivations; that is, there were advantages that seemed to exist, but of course, not all of those advantages were secured; many of them were not secured, but now, after all, there were advantages, and one felt that these benefits might exist. These negotiations began; then, of course, during the time of Mr. Rouhani's government, it naturally expanded and became more active; these are its advantages.

What are the disadvantages? The disadvantages are the very things we have always feared and repeated; we said: 'Sir, they are treacherous, they are bad-natured, they are capricious, they break their promises, they do not act'; these are the disadvantages. There are gaps in the JCPOA that can manifest themselves, and if these gaps were closed, of course, the disadvantages would be lessened or eliminated.

What I say regarding the JCPOA is not at all directed at our dear brothers who participated in the negotiations; they did their work, they made their efforts, they truly worked hard. Well, we witnessed and saw; they went, they stayed—last year, I think it was during Ramadan, that they spent some time there—well, it was difficult, it was truly difficult, and they worked hard; I do not blame them. May God be pleased with them, we have prayed for them and continue to pray for them; my gaze is directed at the counterpart; at those who were our negotiating counterpart.

But regarding the JCPOA itself; the document—as I mentioned—has gaps, it has ambiguous angles that have allowed the enemy to take advantage, the counterpart to take advantage. Of course, we will not initially violate the JCPOA; let everyone know this! We will not violate the JCPOA, but if the counterpart violates it—now, as these candidates for the presidency of the United States keep threatening that we will come and tear it up, we will violate it—if they tear it up, we will burn it. The fact that we do not violate it is based on the Quranic command: 'Fulfill the covenant'; after all, it is a treaty we have made, we do not want to break the treaty; and that if they violate, we will also violate, this is also based on the Quranic verse: 'And if you fear treachery from a people, throw back to them on equal terms.' If the other side violates, violate. 'Throw back' means throw it back to them, reject it. Therefore, we are following Quranic principles; both in this side of the issue and in that side of the issue.

Well, the duty of the counterpart was to lift the sanctions; they have not lifted them; the sanctions have not been lifted. They have lifted some of the sanctions in one way, but in practice, they have not been lifted. Well, you know what was under discussion were the secondary sanctions. They have maintained the primary sanctions with full power, and this affects the secondary sanctions. I kindly ask those who are involved to pay attention, to be careful; let us not keep saying that the sanctions have been lifted; no, the issue of bank transactions has not been resolved, and large banks do not transact. The Americans say, 'What do we care!' Well, that is a wicked statement; how can you say, 'What do we care!' It is their job. Mr. Dr. Zarif—I do not know if he is present here in this session or not—when speaking with the American Secretary of State, he tells him that [the issue of] banks, large banks and so on [has not been resolved]; he says, 'Well, yes, it does not concern us'; immediately he says, 'Why, if you want, you can'; you are the one who is preventing it, that is, the U.S. Treasury Department is the one that is preventing it. Yes, in words, in the session of banks, the counterpart participates and says, 'Yes, there is no problem in dealing with Iran,' but in practice and in other statements, they speak in a way that he does not dare. For banks, what could be better than entering into a transaction with an eighty-million market like Iran? Banks have no objection; there is a barrier, and that barrier is the threat of America. That high-ranking member of the U.S. government said just a few days ago that we will not let Iran feel comfortable; well, when they speak like this, a high-ranking member of the U.S. government speaks like this, which bank dares to come and transact? Yes, a number of small banks have come, but for transactions—for contracts, real transactions, investments—large banks must come into the field, and they have not come; it is not clear when they will come. This is one of the major shortcomings. The American side has committed this great sin; this great violation should not be justified. Yes, they issue circulars, but a circular is different from reality.

The issue of insuring oil tankers is the same. Insuring oil tankers is one of the important things in oil transactions. They accepted insurance within a limited ceiling, but the large insurance structures—[for] the amounts of these oils that sometimes are in the billions—have not been willing to enter, they have not been willing to insure, and they do not insure. The reason is that in those organizations and structures, the Americans are members, they are present, and they do not allow it. Therefore, the Americans have not fulfilled a significant part of their commitments.

We have made our advance payments like this: we [stopped enriching] to twenty percent, we practically stopped Fordow; we stopped Arak; these have been our advance payments, and now they still expect. I am now saying here—if Mr. Dr. Salehi (the head of the Atomic Energy Organization) is present—do not accept these expectations they have regarding carbon fibers used in centrifuges, or the expectations they have regarding measuring that three hundred kilos; do not accept them at all, do not yield. They keep demanding more; after all, we have made these advance payments. In any case, our counterpart has not acted.

Today, if we want to obtain our oil revenues, it is a difficult task; it is both difficult and costly. The money we have in other countries is not given to us, it has not been given; that is, now some of them have promised. As Mr. President told me, one of these countries has promised, but it is not just one country, there are several countries. We have money in their banks; however, since this money is in dollars and the issue of dollars relates to America, they cannot give it; the work is locked. Well, this is American enmity; what else is enmity? They have not acted.

Therefore, what I want to express is this: the nuclear industry is a strategic industry for our country; this industry must remain, this industry must develop, and it must not be harmed. The operational capabilities of the nuclear industry and the nuclear organization must remain; its human resources must be preserved; the ability to return to the previous situation must be maintained, which fortunately this ability exists; let me tell you: in less than six months, they can bring the country to eighteen thousand SWU with the same IR-1 (which are the old machines). This possibility exists right now in less than six months; that is, the counterpart should not think that our hands are tied. We can reach one hundred thousand SWU in less than a year and a half with the IR-4 parts (which are the second and third generation advanced machines) and the equipment we have; these are the capabilities that exist today in the Atomic Energy Organization; they should use these capabilities to stop the counterpart. No hasty actions should be taken; in the face of American sabotage, whatever they can do, they should do, which fortunately both the esteemed Foreign Minister and the esteemed President have said—they have said here, in the Majlis, and elsewhere—that they are pursuing these; they must pursue them seriously. Pay attention that just as it is well known, 'Rights must be taken,' even from a wolf like America; it must be pulled out of its mouth; it is not that it will come and present it with both hands. As long as they have not completely violated it, we will not violate it, but in the face of their errors and their sabotage, we must preserve our capabilities.

Let me also mention that it was with our scientific and technological power that we were able to achieve what we could from the Americans in this matter; that is, if the capability of twenty percent did not exist, if the capability of building advanced centrifuges did not exist, we certainly could not have forced them to accept these several thousand centrifuges from us and not make excuses; it was because of that power. If this power is lost, the pressure from the other side will increase; the more this power increases, the more our power to pressure the counterpart will increase; therefore, this must be preserved.

In this matter, we have also appointed a supervisory board; let me express that my expectation from the supervisory board is that they should be more careful, supervise more, and truly do whatever is their duty to defend national interests whenever they feel that the counterpart is betraying and acting poorly.

O Lord! Whatever we have said, whatever we have asked for, whatever we have intended and strived for, place it for Yourself and in Your way; accept it from us by Your grace; include the servants of the country in Your kindness and mercy; include our great Imam, our great martyrs, and our dear veterans in Your kindness and mercy.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.